at the puberty rites was manifested in the strict observance of a complex·
system of taboos and formulre designed to accord with the distinction
of her lineage. The proper observance of these rules. and ceremonies
was indispensable to the making of an honourable marriage.

VI. The Potlatch

The evening before a potlatch was given, guests from far and near
arrived in ceremonial attire. They were fed and accorded every mark
of hospitality. In'. the :meantime, a plank was placed across two canoes
or a platform erected in front of the chief's house from which the
speeches were to be made and the presents distributed. Ceremonial
songs and dances were performed during the potlatch, and after the
distribution was completed games and friendly contests took place.
The potlatch was a primary social and economic culture trait all
along the North-west Coast and was well established among the Coast
Salish. A potlatch was never given with the object of satisfying the
hunger or needs of the people; it was used solely as a means to establish
on a material basis the claims of family honour. Face-saving potlatches,
whereby a man covered up a disgrace, and rivalry potlatches, given to
humiliate an enemy, were individual outgrowths and not basic aspects
of the system.

The potlatch was a gift-giving ceremony by which the leader of a
kinship group invited guests to witness a demonstration of his family
prerogatives and honourable privileges, and among the coastal groups
was the only method whereby an increase in social position could be
achieved. Succession to a leading position in the village or household,
the raising of a mortuary pole, the building of a new house, or the taking
of new and more honourable names each required the giving of a
potlatch before community approval was obtained.
Since the prerogatives to be displayed were the heritage of a clan
or of a certain section of a clan, it follows that the donor group was
automatically limited. But since village groups were mostly collections
of loosely related families, the success of potlatches was also a matter
of community prestige, and this sense of local loyalty made it obligatory
for everyone-nobles and commoners-to give material and active sup­
port to the ceremony.
There was also an important economic aspect to the potlatch system.
The recitation of specific claims by the chief or village archivist had to
be given tangible evidence in the form of a display of riches on a rela­
tively immense scale. In order to demonstrate that these accumulations
were but a particle of his ultimate resources, the donor or his agent
made a public distribution of them down to the utmost item which he
and his supporters had worked months to assemble. Only by this means
could his claims be proved conclusively to the community.
By /reason of the strong hold the rules of potlatch had upon these
people, the donating family, although often reduced to a state of desti­
tution, were actually looked upon as being richer and more socially
influential than before. Among those Coast Salish in close contact with
the Kwakiutl culture to the north, the spirit of potlatch was such that no
man would accept another's gifts unless it was his intent to make returns
to the full value of the gift with a generous surplus to boot. But rejec­
tion of a gift was an admission of inability to maintain one's social
status-an unthinkable gesture! Among the more southerly situated
villages of the Coast Salish, this aspect of potlatch was less prevalent, the
social pressure to repay operating less strongly. Nevertheless, the fact
remained that a man who had potlatched could at some future date,
because of his increased social position, expect considerable returns on
his original " investment."

VII. Secret Societies and Ceremonies
Secret societies among the Salish were neither so numerous nor so
well organized as were those of the northern tribes. In fact, it appears
that such societies were largely the result of culture transfer. Thus
among the Comox, near neighbours of the Kwakiutl, there was a great
variety of such societies, having been borrowed directly from the
Kwakiutl. In addition to these, the Comox also had a number of sub­
societies named after the Thunderbird and various animals and birds.
Among the Songhees, Boas reported two main societies-the Nont­
lem anct one other which was subdivided into five divisions, each of
which was distinguished by the nature of their dances, being either wild,
slow, jumpy, or performed with peculiar body postures and arm move­
ments.
Farther south, on the Puget Sound and Fraser River area, secret
societies were scarce and not highly regarded. This appears to support
the theory that the secret-society complex was not native to the Salish,
but merely the result of contact with the neighbouring Kwakiutls.
In considering the function of these societies, it must be remembered
that they were basically religious. Initiation played an important part
and novices were required to be of pure mind and unimpeachable
behaviour. Hence most of the novices were adolescents, the names of
many being entered on the probation list whiie their owners were very
young, their fathers acting as their sponsors.
The probationer, once granted entry, spent his nights in the woods·
where he bathed frequently. While he was gone, his mother worked
new mountain-goat wool blankets and cedar-bark ornaments for him,
and on his return his father gave a five-day feast. During the feast,
dances were performed to which all people were admitted. The society

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