Emerging Transcultural Education in Japan1
Edward R. Howe, PhD
Introduction
Multicultural Japan — It’s not merely an oxymoron or a term used only by academics
opposing the longstanding myth of racial, ethnic and cultural homogeneity asserted by
politicians, the media and nihonjinron literature. In this paper, I illustrate significant
changes in Japanese education and society, indicating a gradual shift to transculturalism.
However, before describing the emergence of transcultural education in Japan through
a reflexive ethnography chronicling two decades of noteworthy experiences, I analyze
the broader concept of multiculturalism within the contested cultural context of Japan,
juxtaposed with Canada.
Since 1990, the Japanese government has cautiously accepted immigration as an
official policy, in light of the ageing society and significant labour shortages. Subsequently,
kyousei shakai (a symbiotic society in which people live together harmoniously) has
become the catchphrase rhetoric to deal with increasing diversity. But kyousei shakai
doesn’t adequately describe the current reality. Perhaps it’s more appropriate to use
transcultural Japan. I draw on Willis and Murphy-Shigematsu’s (2008) seminal work for
clarification:
While we will continue to use the words multicultural and multiculturalism
as they describe the realities of present-day Japan, we also choose at the
same time to use the words transcultural and transculturalism and they
describe even more explicitly what is happening, indicating movement
across time, space, and other cultural boundaries. When we realize that
multiculturalism is not simply the old concept of culture multiplied by the
number of ethnic groups, but a new and internally plural “praxis of culture”
within oneself and others, in other words transculturalism, then we begin to
make progress toward understanding the deeper workings of Japanese and
other societies (Banks, 2006, 2004). (p.9)
Reflexive ethnographic approaches show great promise to better understanding

1

Please do not quote without permission of the author. © Edward R. Howe, 2010. Contact the
author by e-mail: ehowe@cc.utsunomiya-u.ac.jp

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education within a given sociocultural context. Nevertheless, even a reflexive
ethnographer’s text is by nature a partial one and so it is important to realize that what
follows is based on one researcher’s experience. Caution must be advised in making
generalizations of things “Japanese” or “Canadian.” Furthermore, researchers must beware
of false dichotomies. My account of the ‘Japanese’ multiculturalism is in no way absolute
but is inevitably partial. Had I been a Chinese researcher for instance, I probably would
have gained a different understanding and description of ‘Japanese’ ways of doing things.
What might be described as ‘uniquely Japanese’ is often defined in terms of its difference
from what one is accustomed to—in my case, the ‘Canadian’ ways of doing things. This
perspective is central to the notion of ‘reflexivity’ and comparative ethnographic narrative
(see Howe, 2010).
Japan is on the verge of a paradigm shift toward multiculturalism as an official
policy. Nevertheless, the multiculturalism promoted will be superficial at first. And
that is precisely where the society is at now. There are signs of a gradual shift towards
international and multicultural policies. I have witnessed changes in the attitudes of
students and teachers over the past two decades. In particular, my own family has been a
significant part of many examples detailed here. My family offers a micro-ethnographic
window into the macro-phenomena of cultural hybridity within Japanese society. Thus,
ethnographic narratives of my experiences as, a student, teacher, parent and researcher are
the focus of this paper.

Towards a Canadian Transcultural Identity
In light of similarities in perceptions of ethnicity and considerations of modern history,
Germany might be a more suitable country to foreshadow the multicultural future of Japan.
However, I will draw on my Canadian experience for comparison (see also Howe, 2003).
Canada is often hailed as one of the most successful pluralistic, multicultural countries—
something for other nations to emulate (Reimann, 2009). Canada has been described as a
cultural mosaic, but it is a young country built on immigration and it is very much a work
in progress.
In the 1970s, growing up in Victoria, BC, in a middle-class, predominantly white
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neighbourhood, I experienced first-hand the growing pains of a nation in transition and in
search of a multicultural identity. When I learned about other cultures, they were rarefied,
foreign, exotic and distant. Even our study of West Coast Indians seemed far removed
from the everyday—as if it were an ancient civilization. While we studied First Nations
traditions, we didn’t critically question the assimilation policies of the government nor did
we learn about the Indian residential schools and systematic stripping of culture.
There was only one child of a visible ethnic minority in my grade five class. He
was the only son of the Chinese man who ran the local corner-store. We were both on the
school chess team, so I knew him well, with a certain amount of respect and animosity, as
he often beat me! He was a smart and friendly boy but he struggled with English. In any
case, most of my peers (myself included) exhibited blatant racist attitudes towards him.
My grade seven teacher admonished me for using the derogative label “Chink” in my
creative writing. Until then, I didn’t know it was a racial slur. These days, I wonder if my
own son feels something like what this Chinese-Canadian boy must have felt. As the only
foreign-born child in his class, my son has been described by teachers as “unique” or as a
“genius” by classmates for his bilingualism but that doesn’t necessarily reflect his feelings
of difference or fragile emerging identity.
In the mid-1990s, as a novice high school teacher, I witnessed the ramifications
of official multicultural policies. Racial violence flared at a Surrey, BC inner city school,
where I worked, as the once white community struggled with an increasing Indo-Canadian
presence. In less than a decade, places like Surrey and other urban communities changed
radically with increasing immigration from India, China and other Asian countries.
Multiculturalism by way of international food fairs and exchanges with sister cities soon
had to take a backseat to more meaningful anti-racist and conflict resolution education.

Fumbling Towards a Transcultural Japan
I often wonder if Japan is about 30 years behind Canada in terms of various social issues.
For instance, Japan seems to be following Canada’s example by enacting laws that are now
taken for granted in Canadian society. What follows is a partial list:
1. Smoking in public (It is now completely banned in Canada and increasingly not
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allowed in various places like train stations in Japan).
2. Traffic safety (The use of seatbelts is strictly enforced in Canada but passengers
in the back seat don’t have to wear seatbelts in Japan. Children in Japan now wear
bike helmets when just a few years ago we had to import helmets from Canada
for our kids).
3. Handicapped access (Increasingly train stations are being retro-fitted with
elevators and ramps to allow barrier-free access).
4. Gender equity (In the 1990s there used to be gender/age specific classified ad
categories like ‘Female-under 25’ in the Japan Times but these are relics of the
past).
5. The treatment of minority groups (People used to stare at me, point and say
gaijin but now foreigners are commonplace in Tokyo. Moreover, foreigners are
increasingly more vocal in their opposition to policies like fingerprinting and
immigration control measures).
In September 1990, when I first arrived in Japan, there were no bilingual train
announcements and few bilingual signs. Now, bilingual announcements are ubiquitous
and multilingual signs are commonplace in train stations and on major roadways. There
are signs with four languages (Japanese, English, Chinese, Korean) in the newly renovated
Utsunomiya station. My first experience in Japan included working as an Assistant
Language Teacher (ALT) at a number of Tokyo junior high schools. In many cases, I was
the only foreigner these children had ever seen or talked to in person. In a sense, I was a
celebrity. Two decades ago, foreigners were a novelty, even in urban environments like
Tokyo. In the countryside, foreigners were virtually invisible. Since 1990, with the advent
of the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) program and the widespread use of native ALTs
in classrooms; exchange programs between Japanese schools and schools abroad; and
increased immigration, foreigners are a much greater visible part of the school system.
ALTs from USA, UK, Canada, Australia and elsewhere work at local schools
throughout Japan. Moreover, in my children’s classes in Saitama, there are several boys and
girls with mixed ethnicity. One or more of their parents speak Korean, Chinese, English or
Tagalog. The Saitama community sponsors an annual international friendship fair, attended
by hundreds of people of many nationalities. In 2009, the PTA of our elementary school
formed a new committee to foster international understanding through displays of various
countries’ cultures at the annual Welcome Fair. Transcultural thinking can also be seen
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through sports. During World Cup 2006, international school lunches reflected the ethnic
foods of different soccer teams. Our local J-League soccer team, Omiya Ardija has several
popular players from South America, living amongst us. So, one doesn’t need to attend
the local international preschool (as many children in our neighbourhood do) or commute
to an international school in Tokyo to meet foreigners or to experience multiculturalism.
Thus, there are many pockets of transcultural education both within formal and nonformal educational settings. In a sense, my children act as junior ambassadors for Canada
and Japan. For example, my son made a presentation to his grade four class about his
transcultural experiences within Canada and Japan entitled, “Saitama and the World”. In
turn, he taught about Japan to his grade seven class in Canada. In addition, my daughter
taught origami to her Canadian grade two classmates, during our visit last September.

Formal Transcultural Education
While there are virtually no multicultural education programs to deal with increasing
diversity in Japanese public schooling, foreign language instruction (essentially English)
has long been the mainstay of a subliminal multicultural education in Japan. Since the
1990s, and in particular in the last decade, developing a new generation of Japanese
with English speaking abilities has been seen as the major means of accomplishing
internationalization.
With the progress of globalization in the economy and in society, it is
essential that our children acquire communication skills in English, which
has become a common international language, in order for living in the 21st
century. This has become an extremely important issue both in terms of
the future of our children and the further development of Japan as a nation.
(Japanese Ministry of Education, 2003)

In particular, English textbook lessons offer introductions (albeit superficial) to important
transcultural topics such as racial discrimination (Martin Luther King Jr.); cultural
assimilation and endangered languages (Welsh); and cross-cultural communication
(“Hello” in various foreign languages). But Japan lags behind other nations in the study of
global citizenship and social justice issues.

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One of the most significant efforts to internationalize a generation of Japanese
students, the JET program is a noteworthy example of “importing diversity” (McConnell,
2000). Since its inception in 1987, thousands of foreigners have been introducing English
language and foreign cultures to junior high and high school students throughout Japan.
In the past decade, well over 5000 foreign college graduates per year have taken part in
the JET program to enhance international education and the exchange of ideas (Japanese
Ministry of Education, 2006a).
Another significant and far-reaching (but controversial) internationalization effort
is exemplified in the recent addition of English to the elementary school curriculum (Imoto
& Horiguchi, 2009). Moreover, the government has launched the most ambitious English
as a foreign language (EFL) program in the history of modern schooling in Japan—“All
in English” immersion is mandated from 2013 with English instruction from elementary
school through high school and beyond. At present, nearly all elementary school children
and more than half kindergarten and preschool children receive some form of EFL
(Japanese Ministry of Education, 2006b). Moreover, many children attend extra EFL
classes in international preschools, language schools, private classes and so on. But how
effective is all this? Most preschool and elementary school lessons are haphazard and not
part of a well-thought out curriculum. This is contrary to most curricula in Japan. The
results are mixed. Teachers are at a loss as to what methods to use. Furthermore, they
lack the confidence and experience to conduct lessons in English. There is a great deal
of apprehension among teachers at the elementary school level these days. Innovative
solutions and transcultural thinking may lie outside of formal schooling.

Non-Formal Transcultural Education
Children’s television programming provides an interesting window into the world of
multicultural Japan. The Japan Broadcasting Company’s (NHK) “Eigo-de Asobo” (Let’
s Play in English) started in 1990 while “Nihongo-de Asobo” (Let’s Play in Japanese)
began in 2003. Koni-chan (aka KONISHIKI), a former sumo wrestler from Hawaii, hosts
Nihongo-de Asobo. KONISHIKI integrates Hawaiian songs, culture and style into this
educational show, airing daily with Eigo-de Asobo. In addition, the program has a regular
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feature of various Japanese dialects, ranging from Okinawa-ben to Hokkaido-ben. There is
hardly a preschooler in Japan not familiar with these popular programs.
Many other popular TV programs include hosts who are either foreigners or young
people of mixed race. My own daughter has appeared on Japanese television. Her haafu or
double status is an asset in Japan where there is still gaijin fever. In Canada, I doubt Marisa
would be as popular. Her modeling career would likely come to an abrupt halt. In Canada,
about one quarter of all children are mixed. Marisa is just like the other children, but in
Japan she is special. However, being labeled special has its drawbacks.
In 2003, when we first moved to Saitama, my eldest son, James was teased by
other children at the Christian kindergarten he attended. They called him eigo-jin (English
person). My wife responded by saying, “Don’t call him that! It isn’t nice.” Surprisingly, the
reaction of mothers was to ignore their children’s behaviour. When my wife complained to
the principal he suggested the ‘problem’ was with our son… “He needs to try harder to fit
in”. Herein lies a major problem with Japanese society — assimilation is the status quo.

Discussion: Critiques of a Multicultural Japan
Is a truly multicultural Japan a pipe dream as some suggest (Burgess, 2007)? There is
evidence to support this notion. In the wake of 9/11, there has been an increase in antiimmigration rhetoric. Japan has adopted tougher immigration controls. Finger printing is
used as a means to keep track of all foreigners entering Japan. Thus, while the number of
foreigners residing in Japan continues to increase (in particular, Chinese), this trend has
slowed considerably in recent years. In fact, after a peak in 2005 there was a dramatic dip in
the number of foreign students coming to Japan, largely as a result of tougher immigration
laws. It would appear that increasingly Chinese students are choosing to study elsewhere
now.
Let’s examine the criteria for a multicultural Japan more closely. According to
Burgess (2007) the critical questions are as follows:
1) Does the general population support “multicultural Japan”?
2) What multicultural policies have been adopted?
3) Are there large numbers of immigrants and are they transforming Japanese
society?
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In general, Japanese society seems naïve and ignorant of (or at least ambivalent
towards) growing signs of multiculturalism in their midst. In a national survey of public
attitudes, in 2003 nearly a third of all respondents were opposed to actively promoting
tourism because of perceived dangers of admitting foreign criminals (Willis & MurphyShigematsu, 2008, p. 310). It is easier for most newcomers from Korea or China to
assimilate into the mainstream culture rather, as the saying goes, “the nail that sticks out
gets pounded down.” According to a comprehensive study of international marriages of
migrants in Yamagata, children were generally growing up monolingual and monocultural.
Many of these individuals fully assimilated into the Japanese mainstream within a
generation (Burgess, 2003). So, while transcultural hybridity might be celebrated in urban
areas like Tokyo or accepted in suburban areas like Saitama, cultural assimilation could still
be the norm in rural areas.
As for the adoption of multicultural policies, the national government has
traditionally steadfastly opposed any move towards a multicultural policy. Dual citizenship
is not officially recognized and there are few refugees accepted. Despite growing numbers
of immigrants, there is little government support for ethnic minorities. For example, there
isn’t any provision for accommodating the thousands of students in the public education
system for which Japanese is a second language. In the wake of the global recession an
astounding number of Nikkei Japanese-Brazilians are dropping out of school (Ehara, 2010;
Kamioka, 2010). Moreover, while the government has lofty aims to “develop Japanese
with English speaking abilities” (Japanese Ministry of Education, 2003), proposals for
adopting English as an official second language have met with stiff opposition. There are
no national policies to deal with the language challenges facing ethnic minorities. Local
governments are attempting to provide some support however. Local community groups
and volunteers have also tried to help with language classes and newsletters in a variety
of languages. International festivals are held to help raise public awareness but these are
superficial gestures. Korean residents have taken it upon themselves to start their own
schools. Brazilians and others are less organized. Nevertheless, many ethnic schools remain
unaccredited. So, graduates have difficulties entering Japanese universities. While local
governments are making efforts to assist new immigrants, there is no national policy to
50

support immigrants. But this could change in the near future.
While Japan remains one of the least diverse industrialized nations with
ethnic and national minorities comprising 3 percent of the total population,
monumental change is imminent. A massive influx of foreigners in the
coming years will be necessary to meet the needs of a rapidly aging
population. Just maintaining the size of the working population will require
600,000 immigrants a year. In this scenario, immigrants will comprise more
than 30 percent of the Japanese population by 2050. (Murphy-Shigematsu,
2004, pp. 51–57)

The sort of massive increase in immigration alluded to by Murphy-Shigematsu and
recommended by the UN (2000) to deal with the harsh demographic realities facing Japan
seems highly improbable. Furthermore, in these times of economic uncertainty there is little
public support for these policies.
One cannot do justice to multicultural education in Japan without mentioning the
systemic discrimination and pervasive racism leveled against other ethnic minorities (Lee,
Murphy-Shigematsu, & Befu, 2006). In particular, people of Korean and Chinese descent,
comprising about two thirds of all foreigners, while strongly encouraged to assimilate
are never fully accepted. Many change their names to Japanese—giving up their heritage
language and culture all together. Despite being fluent in Japanese, they are still treated as
foreigners. Even Japanese returnees experience hardships as they are considered not “pure”
Japanese anymore.
Japan ranks last among OECD nations for racial and gender equality (OECD,
2009). Sadly, attitudes of racial intolerance are shared by the general public and prominent
public figures. Not long ago, Aso Taro, former Prime Minister described Japan as “one
nation, one language, one culture and one race” (Daily Yomiuri, 2005). His words shocked
the foreign population and made headline news outside Japan but barely received any
attention from the Japanese public and mainstream media. Japan may be the only developed
country where racial discrimination is not illegal. Yet, some scholars maintain that Japan is
at the crossroads of becoming a multi-ethnic society (Willis & Murphy-Shigematsu, 2008;
Yamanaka, 2002). I remain skeptical but optimistic about this prospect, as there is a new
political landscape.
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A Promising Transcultural Future for Japan–It’s up to you!
In late August 2009, for the first time in 60 years, the Japanese voted for a change in the
status quo LDP government. A few weeks later, in his first address to the UN, Prime
Minister Hatoyama showed encouraging signs of racial tolerance and a deep understanding
of global citizenship. In fact, Hatoyama used the term multicultural Japan to describe his
vision of a new Japanese society. Perhaps his experience studying at higher education
institutions in the US has broadened his perspectives. Furthermore, in Hatoyama’s first
policy speech to the Diet he stated… “[T]he politics of fraternity that I am promoting aims
to create a society in which everyone can play a role without discrimination or prejudice;
this will mean promoting gender equality in all aspects of life, including employment
and child-rearing. It also seeks to promote cultural diversity to enable everyone to live
with dignity, such as by respecting the history and culture of the Ainu people, who are
indigenous to Japan.” He ended his speech by saying “Let us together create a new Japan”
(Japan Times, 2009).
However, in typical Japanese political fashion, a scandal rocked this new
progressive government and Hatoyama resigned. The present government seems incapable
of making any significant inroads in creating a multicultural society. Thus, inevitably the
future of developing a multicultural Japan may lie in grass roots movements rather than the
ever-changing political arena. Young people, NPOs, NGOs, community groups and an ever
increasing number of vocal transcultural children like my own will likely be the ones to
instigate meaningful changes (see Chan, 2008). But as was the case in Canada, it will take
a generation or more before these changes are absorbed into the psyche of the populace.
Moreover, with the ageing population any radical changes in immigration policy will likely
be too little—too late to compensate for the declining birthrate and shrinking labour pool.
Thus, a “smaller Japan” might be a foregone conclusion. Nevertheless, it is my sincere
hope, for the sake of my children and grandchildren; the future Japan will be a smaller but
more inclusive transcultural and diverse society.

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