chapter 10
Collaboration and Affirmation: Supporting Younger
Lesbian and Bisexual Women and Transgender Youth
in Small Cities and Rural Communities
Wendy Hulko1

I

n recent years, socio-cultural differences have been factored into
research on queer youth (Gray, 2009; Haskell & Burtch, 2010;
Saewyc, 2011) and those with sexual identities other than gay, lesbian, and bisexual; as well, young people whose gender expression is
other than male or female have been included (Taylor & Peter, 2011;
Toomey, McGuire, & Russell, 2012). Yet intersectionality has rarely
been adopted as a theoretical lens through which to understand the
lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, transsexual, Two-Spirit (see
McNeil-Seymour, this volume), intersex, queer, and/or questioning
(LGBTTSIQ) youth (see Diamond & Buttersworth, 2008; Gray, 2009
for notable exceptions). Transgender, Two-Spirit, intersex, and questioning youth have not been well represented, and research pertaining
to geographic location has not treated small cities as distinct from
either rural or urban areas (Hulko & Hovanes, under review). Thus,
research on the experiences of youth who identify as LGBTTSIQ that
directly seeks their insights and focuses on the social contexts in which
they live (i.e. small cities or rural communities) is a new area of scholarly inquiry. The research upon which this chapter is based sought to
elicit the experiences and views of younger and older women2 who
193

LGBTQ.indd 193

6/24/15 12:27 PM

identify as sexual and/or gender minorities3 and live in small cities
and rural communities. Employing intersectionality, this chapter specifically highlights the experiences of younger lesbian and bisexual
women, and transgender youth who identify as women.
Subsequent to presenting the theory and literature that informed the
study and briefly describing the research design, the chapter presents
findings on participants’ experiences and insights into a variety of social
supports in a small city, including high school and university student
clubs, youth programs, the queer community, and social media. Analysis
of their experiences highlights the significance of accessible and inclusive programming, and the importance of community collaboration to
expand on these existing support services. The chapter concludes with
recommendations that may assist service providers, educators, and
members of the queer community to enhance the visibility or presence
of younger lesbian and bisexual women and transgender youth, as well
as assisting them in collaborative efforts to create more sources of support in small cities and rural communities.

Intersectionality
Theorists and researchers adopting an intersectional lens avoid isolating
a particular aspect of a person’s identity—such as gender expression—
or prioritizing one form of oppression—like heterosexism—and instead
consider various facets of a person’s social location and treat oppressions
(and privileges) as interactive and mutually reinforcing (Hulko, 2009).
The connection between individual experiences and social structures is
taken for granted in intersectional theorizing, which generally focuses
on both structure and agency, or the micro and macro levels (see Hill
Collins, 2000). This partly explains why intersectionality has become a
key concept in social work practice, education, and research (Murphy,
Hunt, Zajicek, Norris, & Hamilton, 2009), with naming of unearned
privileges and sites of oppression occurring more often than in other
scholarship (Hulko, 2009; Mehrotra, 2010; Murphy et al., 2009).
194

LGBTQ.indd 194

6/24/15 12:27 PM

collaboration and affirmation

Sexual orientation was foregrounded in early writings on intersectionality (Combahee River Collective, 1977; Lorde, 2007), and women and
queer people—as diverse, overlapping, or monolithic groups—have been
the focus of much intersectionality research (Bowleg, 2008; Diamond &
Butterworth, 2008). However, age and the ways in which it structures
experiences of gender identity is addressed infrequently, as is geographic
context (Hulko & Hovanes, under review). This study sought to fill a
gap in intersectionality scholarship by investigating age and geographic
context in relation to sexual orientation and gender expression.

Literature Review
While in the past, the voices and experiences of lesbians and bisexual
women were less frequently sought or heard in research than those
of gay and bisexual men (Diamond, 1998), it appears this pattern
has shifted with respect to qualitative research based on convenience
samples of youth (Elze, 2007). Queer research has expanded its focus
beyond the “urban oasis” (Gray, 2009), yet qualitative studies of the
experiences of LGBTTSIQ youth are not as common as large surveys. In
British Columbia, surveys and needs assessments have highlighted the
health concerns and service needs of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth
living in rural and remote regions (Poon & Saewyc, 2009; Saewyc, Poon,
Wang, Homma, Smith, & the McCreary Centre Society, 2007) and identified ways that service providers and First Nation communities can
support Two-Spirit youth (Urban Native Youth Association, 2004). In
their analysis of rural and urban differences related to sexual orientation in the 2003 BC Adolescent Health Survey, Poon and Saewyc (2009)
argued that “lesbian, gay, and bisexual adolescents in rural communities
may need additional support and services as they navigate adolescence”
(p. 118). They recommended “informal help networks [linking] LGB
adolescents with peers and LGB adults” (p. 122), as well as interventions
focused specifically on mental health, substance abuse, and sexual education. However, these support services and networks are not always
195

LGBTQ.indd 195

6/24/15 12:27 PM

available in small cities and rural areas where virtual communities may
be the only sources of peer support and information about identity
development and services (see Cohn & Hastings, 2010). Further, if programs for queer youth exist in rural settings, they may be staffed by one
person tasked with serving a very large geographic area, necessitating
the development of creative research/practice collaborations (Hulko,
Bepple, Turco, & Clark, 2010).
The concept of community figures strongly in research on the role and
impact of social networks on the lives of queer youth. These include family, friends, gay/straight alliances (GSAs), and other clubs that support
their health and well-being (Gray, 2009; Poon & Saewyc, 2009; Saewyc,
2011; Taylor & Peter, 2011; Toomey et al., 2012; Walls, Kane, & Wisneski,
2010; Wilkinson & Pearson, 2009). For example, a comprehensive
Canadian survey of queer high school students indicated homophobia,
biphobia, and transphobia exist “in every class in every school” such that
64 percent of LGBTQ students and 61 percent of students with LGBTQ
parents reported feeling unsafe at school. Findings also suggested female
sexual minority and trans youth face worse situations than male sexual
minority students (Taylor & Peter, 2011, pp. 8, 18; see also Grossman &
D’Augelli, 2006; Haskell & Burtch, 2010; Meyers, 2009). An American
survey with GLBTQ youth found that GSAs and the inclusion of LGBTQ
issues in the curriculum made a positive difference in schools—whether
or not LGBTQ youth were members (Walls et al., 2010).

Research Design
As noted, the purpose of this feminist anti-oppressive research was to
explore experiences of women who identify as sexual and/or gender
minorities and reside in small cities or rural communities. The study
employed strategies to prioritize the voices of participants, and explicitly sought to change inequitable social relations (Brown & Strega,
2005). Additional features included a focus on social location and
the practice of locating oneself in relation to the research participants
196

LGBTQ.indd 196

6/24/15 12:27 PM

collaboration and affirmation

(Kirby, Greaves, & Reid, 2006). Consistent with feminist methodology,
this research employed qualitative methods, namely focus groups and
individual interviews. Three research questions guided the inquiry: selfidentification, intersecting social identities, and geographic location.
This chapter draws mostly on data generated from the third research
question: “how does geographic location affect the identification of
younger women and girls as sexual and/or gender minorities?”
Youth participants (n=13) were recruited through purposive sampling and consent was obtained directly from all participants, including
those under the age of 16, maximizing queer youth participation. Data
were collected through four individual interviews (two in person and
two by email) and two focus groups (one with three younger lesbian
women, another with six transgender and questioning youth), using a
semi-structured interview guide. Subsequent to thematically analyzing
the data and coding it, an intersectional lens was applied (see Bowleg,
2008; Diamond & Butterworth, 2008; Murphy et al., 2009). This chapter
draws on findings coded under the categories of community, organizations, and media involvement. These are linked to Hulko and Hovanes’s
(under review) article, which includes further details on the methods,
and presents an intersectional analysis of the experiences of LGBTQ
youths who identify and find community.

The Small City Context
The small city where this research took place has a population of
approximately 80,000 and serves as a transportation and service hub
for rural communities and smaller cities surrounding it. The predominantly working-class residents have strong ties to resource industries,
although this is changing due to the presence and growth of the university. Existing services and supports for queer youth include a group
started in 1998 by a social service agency, and regular GSA meetings
in at least two of five local high schools. Since 2011, Social Justice
(SJ) 12, an elective course on understanding inequalities based on
197

LGBTQ.indd 197

6/24/15 12:27 PM

sexual orientation, gender expression, and other aspects of difference
(Ministry of Education, 2008), has been offered in one high school. In
the mid-1990s, an on-campus queer student club was started by gay
faculty, and later became an official student club with decreased faculty
involvement.

Research Participants: Intersectional Dimensions
At the time of the research, two of the thirteen participants lived in
rural communities, and eleven resided in the small city described above.
Five participants had previously resided in larger cities (e.g. Vancouver,
Edmonton, Calgary) and six had lived only in small cities. When the data
were collected in 2009, participants ranged in age from 15 to 25 years
(with an average of 19.8 years). Two of the participants were Indigenous
(First Nations and Métis), though neither identified as Two-Spirit; the
rest were white anglo-Canadians. Four youth disclosed disability status (physical disability, mental illness, chronic health condition). Social
class differences emerged when educational backgrounds, families of
origin, and intersectionality were raised. Table 10.1 presents the area
where the greatest diversity was seen: the gender identities/expressions
and sexual orientations of the participants. Three of the five transgender
participants identified as straight, while also identifying as belonging to
the category of women or girls.
Table 10.1
Gender Identity/Expression

8 female, 5 transgender (3 female to male (FTM), 2 male to
female (MTF))

Sexual Orientation

7 lesbian, 3 bisexual or pansexual, 3 straight (1 FTM, 2 MTF)

The following sections present and discuss the results of the data analysis relating to sources of support, starting with the views of the youth
on safety and acceptance in the small city.
198

LGBTQ.indd 198

6/24/15 12:27 PM

collaboration and affirmation

Safety and Acceptance in the Small City
Youth participants highlighted the degree to which their current, former, and ideal places of residence could be considered safe and accepting of queer people (Hulko & Hovanes, under review). They identified
specific places they chose to frequent and tried to avoid in the small city
(see Hulko, in press). Generally, the unsafe spaces were public (“downtown core,” “buses,” “parks late at night”) and safer ones more private
areas (“in bed,” “this room,” “friend’s house”). Social service agencies
and gay-oriented public events or organizations featured prominently,
as did the Internet. Yet, as one lesbian youth noted, “it’s not necessarily
where we would and wouldn’t go, [rather] it’s more what we would and
wouldn’t do there,” for example, engage in public displays of affection.
Similar to many LGBTQ high school students in large urban settings,
those participants who were in high school at the time or had been
identified as lesbian or bisexual while in high school shared stories of
harassment and discrimination in educational settings. In contrast,
universities were identified as safe places.
Key public spaces queer youth felt were unsafe or safe were high
schools and universities, respectively. Transgender participants told
stories of “training [themselves] not to go to the bathroom at school”
and changing schools during transition, while other queer youth spoke
to harassment in schools. A bisexual participant stated “it got out that
I was bi and people were hissing at me in the hallways,” and a lesbian
participant spoke of being called names “mostly from bullies.” The
ubiquity of the expression “that’s so gay” was noted by a transgender
participant—“everyone in grade eight was ‘that’s so gay, blah, blah,
blah’”—who indicated even queer youth repeat this saying without
knowing the meaning.
Some participants viewed universities as places where growth and
acceptance could potentially occur and where one could be free to be
gay. For example, a young lesbian indicated, “I’d left high school. I was

199

LGBTQ.indd 199

6/24/15 12:27 PM

starting something new and felt like I could start my life as being more
of a gay person.” Others asked if one had to be a student and/or 19 years
or older to be a member of the campus pride club and to attend their
events, seeking both peer support and opportunities to meet other
queer youth.

Sources of Support for Queer Youth
In addition to peer-led clubs like GSAs and the campus student club,
participants identified the queer youth group run by a social service
agency, the local gay and lesbian association, and social media sites as
sources of support.

The Queer Youth Group
Participants were extremely positive about the queer youth group run
by a local social service agency: “You know there is someplace that you
can go where you are not going to be judged.” They highlighted the
quality of their interactions with one another—“everybody’s good to
me, they are nice to me, they treat me right” —and the sense of belonging this engendered. This feeling of affinity and safety amongst the
group members was carried into the community as they spent time with
one another apart from the queer youth group and acknowledged one
another at other events or places in the community. While participants
also spoke positively of a weekly event sponsored by another youth
agency, they noted that the heterosexual and gender-conformative
youth who treated them well at this weekly event ignored them in other
contexts: “Everybody is all friendly and they know my name and then
I see them in town and they don’t even give two shits that I am there.”
The words of a transgender youth (FTM) who had recently moved to
the small city attest to how the queer youth group enabled connection
with other queer people, increased his knowledge of the language of
gender identity and expression, and heightened his self- understanding:

200

LGBTQ.indd 200

6/24/15 12:27 PM

collaboration and affirmation

Oh wow, there’s actually more and more people, not just the couple
of people that I’ve just met randomly . . . they started to explain
the words and I’m like “oh, that explains everything” because I
didn’t know what anything meant. I just knew [that] I wasn’t who
I was and that I felt at a young age that there was [a] huge problem
[for other people] with me dressing in guy’s clothes.
Another transgender youth (MTF) originally from a remote First
Nations reserve, spoke of being confused and “trying new things and
everything” before finding her way to the queer youth group and
meeting youth dealing with similar issues. However, the move did not
necessarily alleviate her confusion about her multiple identities—“I
decided—I am like, I don’t know who I am”—but it did provide her
with a safe and supportive community of peers where she could explore
her gender identity/expression and sexual orientation. Her continued
confusion arose from being both First Nations and a sexual and gender
minority, with this dual identity having led to her rejection by family
and community, while providing a new community of peers.
Transgender participants felt it was very important to have a specific group “’cause gay issues and transgendered issues are completely
different.” This group, started by the queer youth group coordinator,
consulted with the provincial transgender health program. Youth were
observed to move between the two groups; for example, two lesbian
youth attended the transgender youth group as well as the queer youth
group when questioning their gender identity. The youth stressed the
importance of having a member of the queer community as group facilitator, as they were “easier to relate [to]” and expanded the group in
terms of size and opportunities.

The Local Gay and Lesbian Association
Another source of support was the local gay and lesbian association that
held dances the majority of participants regularly attended; even the

201

LGBTQ.indd 201

6/24/15 12:27 PM

bisexual women who were not out reported going to the dances and
“not [being] embarrassed to tell people [including] my coworkers, my
family, friends and even acquaintances.” For most of the participants,
attendance at the gay dances contributed to a sense of inclusion in the
local queer community and, by extension, to greater self-acceptance. The
words of one participant captured the relevance of the dances: “seeing
people that didn’t fit into the norms I think helped a lot to figure out that
I could be myself.” Unfortunately, these dances are infrequent and there
is neither a gay bar nor café in this small city; further, regular “bars” in
the small city were reported to be unsafe places (see Hulko, in press).

GSAs or Peer-Led Student Clubs
Although not all participants were involved in GSAs while in high
school, those who were spoke of their current or past experiences. The
majority of the older youth attended high school in small cities where
there were no GSAs and/or they were not “out” in high school. One of
the lesbian youth recounted watching news coverage of the controversy
in Utah over the first GSA every night when she was in grade seven,
wishing a student club like this existed in her hometown. Another lesbian in university who was a volunteer with a local GSA was surprised
at the size and composition of the group: “there was like 15 people in
this classroom and I was just so shocked, like they’re all here, they’re gay
or supporting a gay friend.”
Despite the value of GSAs, there were challenges, for example, inconsistent attendance and competing/dissimilar purpose and goals. Some
youth felt that GSAs did not make a difference and wanted more “education” and “awareness” type activities, in addition to providing a meeting place. One participant, speaking to her unsuccessful efforts to start
a GSA, pointed to the age and diverse interests of the attendees and
the need for an authority figure (i.e. a teacher) as the reason for its failure: “It worked good for the first couple of months, but then it got run
over by a bunch of grade eight [students] and they wouldn’t listen to me
’cause they knew [that] I wasn’t a teacher.” The challenges of building
202

LGBTQ.indd 202

6/24/15 12:27 PM

collaboration and affirmation

membership and maintaining a presence were also noted for the campus student club, with the lulls in activity and visibility being noted by
at least one lesbian youth.

Social Media
Youth spoke of the importance of the Internet as a source of information and support, naming the specific social media sites Facebook, Pink
Sofa, Gay.com, deviantart, Nexopia, Craigslist, and YouTube. One transgender (FTM) youth told us that he had started a forum on Nexopia
called “transgeneration.” A bisexual woman spoke of her pride in taking
“a small step” toward being out when she accepted an invitation to join
a local Facebook group:
I think I stared at the computer for a good half hour debating
whether or not to accept the invitation. Finally I decided I was
being ridiculous and accepted. I know it is a small step, but I felt
pretty proud of myself.
While most youth lauded the Internet, some expressed disappointment
with social media sites:
I have checked out [website] a couple times, but I can’t navigate it
very well and I don’t really have a lot of time for online stuff and
also it kind of depresses me a bit because they aren’t real people,
you know.
The limitations of existing sites that are “always dating oriented” were
noted by another youth who wanted to find friends: “I just want to meet
people that I can be friends with and stuff.”
As noted, the Internet was a significant source of labels and information on the meaning of labels, especially for transgender youth exploring their gender identity. For example, one youth stated, “When I had
203

LGBTQ.indd 203

6/24/15 12:27 PM

g­ ender issues, I spent hours on the internet trying to find labels for myself
because without labels, I feel like I cannot learn more about myself and I
can’t kind of grow as that person.” Social media, coupled with the queer
youth group, student clubs, and the gay and lesbian association, were all
forms of support accessed by younger lesbian and bisexual women and
transgender youth in the small city. While the Internet is considered
even more relevant for queer youth in the small city because potential
resources and supports are more limited (see Gray, 2009), this was not
the focus of the recommendations youth made for making the small
city a better or safer place.

Making the Small City Better for Queer Youth
Participants indicated several ways in which the small city could be
made a better or safer place for all queer youth, particularly those who
identify as women. Their suggestions focused on educational settings
and the importance of building a queer community of younger and
older women, some of whom could be role models.

Educational Settings
Educational settings were identified as sites through which to effect
change, by “starting off at a younger grade [because] the future is the
younger ones” and arranging “activities for the school, not just [a] lecture.” Youth recommended the campus student club be “established more
[with] more support around it” through greater involvement of queer
faculty. They stressed the importance of doing outreach and creating visibility and support for queer youth through hosting public events in high
schools in conjunction with Day of Silence (www.dayofsilence.org):
On International Day Against Homophobia [IDAH] there was
this little tiny article in [free paper] and I was thinking why
wasn’t there something [bigger] . . . and then in the school there
204

LGBTQ.indd 204

6/24/15 12:27 PM

collaboration and affirmation

was Day of Silence and I heard that there was only three or four
people participating [but] I guess three is better than no one.
Clearly there is a need for allies within schools and the community to
assist with creating and maintaining GSAs, organizing events associated
with IDAH and Day of Silence, and ensuring that SJ 12 is offered as an
elective in local high schools. This would help to build a larger and more
visible community of support for queer youth in the small city.

Building a Community of Queer Women
Fearing exposure, many women who were not out or selectively disclosed
their identities avoided queer gatherings. At the same time, some participants who were out and proud, yet perhaps not visibly recognized to be
queer in the small city, had difficulties accessing a community of queer
women (Hulko & Hovanes, under review; see Rich, 1980; Sperling, 2010).
The need for a means of tapping into the community was linked to the
absence of space for LGBTQ community members to gather. The need for
a small group specifically for queer women was also identified by a bisexual woman who wanted “to talk about sexual orientation, gender expression, experiences, struggles we have with coming out . . . in a confidential
and safe place.” As one younger lesbian said, “I do think that having a
community [is important] and . . . I think that community is dependent
on space. I think that those things together would create stronger individuals and create a stronger community for everybody.” Underpinning
the youth’s desire for a community of queer women was a longing to meet
and learn from out lesbian and bisexual women (see Snively, 2004). For
example, a lesbian youth highlighted the significance of meeting a lesbian
woman with a career in social services, a partner, and a child: “it was just
so shocking to meet someone that has kind of what I want to have one day.”
Dedicated space—accessible and identifiable—for the queer youth program would increase the visibility of the existing community, potentially
drawing other lesbian women and transgender persons as role models.
205

LGBTQ.indd 205

6/24/15 12:27 PM

Discussion and Recommendations
Despite the impression queer youth “out yonder” are in greater need of
support than those in urban centres (Poon & Saewyc, 2009; Wilkinson
& Pearson, 2009), the participants in this research identified a number of opportunities for support and affirmation available through
youth programs, schools and universities, the queer community,
and the Internet. Further, their experiences of feeling unsafe in high
school appeared no different than those of urban queer youth (Haskell
& Burtch, 2010; Taylor & Peter, 2011). There is little research into the
lives of queer youth in small cities and rural areas, and much of what
exists focuses on barriers, risks, and gaps in service (Cohn & Hastings,
2010; Elze, 2007; Saewyc et al., 2007). While there certainly is a need
for more formal support services in non-urban centres, there may be
sources of support that youth are using or have already created that can
be strengthened or formalized, including collaboration between members of different communities and groups in the small city, like those
that research participants identified as sources of support, belonging,
and identity affirmation.
While the movement of students active with GSAs and/or who have
taken SJ 12 from high school to university has and will continue to
strengthen the campus student club and allow for connections between
high school and university queer youth, there are particular challenges
associated with the dearth of openly queer role models in high schools
and on university campuses in smaller cities or rural communities.
Their limited number demands “major personal investment” by faculty
members, including the need to be out in potentially hostile environments (D’Augelli, 2006; Siebecker, 2004). The lack of positive queer role
models understandably impacts the ability to assign queer staff to work
with the queer youth group or to recruit volunteers.
Making the small city a safer and affirming place will help more lesbian and bisexual women to openly identify as queer, freeing them to
serve as role models for younger queer women (see Sperling, 2010).
206

LGBTQ.indd 206

6/24/15 12:27 PM

collaboration and affirmation

Finding space to facilitate a queer women’s group, for example, could
provide an informal help network (Poon & Saewyc, 2009) and a means
to counter compulsory heterosexuality (Rich, 1980) and the policing
of gender (Wilchins, 2004) in the context of inter-generational support
(Snively, 2004). Another way of building more inter-generational support could be through the creation of an adult/youth GSA like Snively
(2004) did in a rural area of the United States. A first step would be
to bring together representatives of the support services identified by
youth—the queer youth group, the student clubs, and the local gay and
lesbian association—and to make use of social media to promote this
collaborative venture and report on the outcome or next steps. When
building such an alliance, it will be important to acknowledge differences amongst queer youth based on their diverse intersecting identities.

Recommendations for Future Practice and Research with Queer
Youth in Small Cities
This research suggests a number of ways in which social service workers
and educators can improve their ability to serve queer youth in small
cities and rural communities through collaboration and affirmation.
Practitioners and policy makers must focus more attention on and devote
more resources toward community building, including creating opportunities for queer youth to meet in accessible and safe environments
and to connect with older lesbian and bisexual women and transgender
persons, who can serve as role models and mentors. Further, programs
should seek to reflect the diversity of queer youth and determine how
best to honour these differences while seeking affinities (see Saewyc,
2011). For example, youth services could recruit and/or match openly
queer staff with the queer youth program and match the identities of role
models with those of the queer youth caught between two cultures. It has
been argued that interventions “need to be adapted for different regions
and ethnic groups, for males and females, and perhaps even for specific

207

LGBTQ.indd 207

6/24/15 12:27 PM

orientation groups” (Saewyc, 2011, p. 268). This research certainly indicates the need to offer trans-specific groups, and separate groups for
lesbians and possibly also for bisexual women who are not out, in addition to women-only groups and groups for all queer youth. Additionally,
youth programs could arrange training on sexual and gender diversity
for their staff and offer workshops on being an ally for the youth who
attend their programs. These steps might address the concerns younger
lesbian, bisexual women, and transgender youth expressed about their
participation in general youth programs.
GSAs should be created in more small cities and rural areas across
Canada. Currently there are 100 GSAs registered on Egale Canada’s
website (Taylor & Peter, 2011), yet there are only two small cities in the
interior of BC and two in the North listed as having GSAs (see educators.mygsa.ca/gsas-canada). In addition to assigning queer-positive
teacher mentors to GSAs and stressing the critical role played by GSAs
to parents, teachers, or straight students who question their existence
(Walls et al., 2010), all high schools in BC should offer SJ 12 as an elective. This would mean encouraging teachers to take on the responsibility for SJ 12 and supporting those who do, while also encouraging
students to enroll and celebrate their collective efforts toward achieving social justice. Anti-bullying policies in schools are required as well
(Meyers, 2009; Poon & Saewyc, 2009), as “actions to promote LGBTQ
inclusion in the formal discourses of schools . . . are among the strongest
predictors of which schools are safer than others” (Toomey et al., 2012,
p. 194). In order for these objectives to be achieved, boards of education, principals, and vice-principals need to demonstrate leadership by
encouraging and supporting initiatives that seek to reduce heterosexism and homo/lesbo/trans/biphobia in schools.
Further, campus student clubs would benefit from assigned faculty
mentors and a formal connection with both the GSAs in the area
and the local gay and lesbian association. The latter could create a
youth position on the board and sponsor community events other
than dances.
208

LGBTQ.indd 208

6/24/15 12:27 PM

collaboration and affirmation

In addition to more comprehensive studies on the experiences of
queer youth in rural areas and small cities, future research needs to
consider other dimensions of intersecting identities in greater depth,
that is, to ensure that samples are diverse and that this diversity informs
data analysis. Evaluative studies of the impact of support services and
educational programs, including websites aimed at queer youth and the
SJ 12 course in high schools, are also needed.
This chapter focuses on the challenges experienced by and supports
available to queer youth who reside in small cities and rural communities, particularly those who identify as women. It demonstrates how
geographic location impacts the lived experiences of LGBTQ youth and
intersects with other social identity categories. The recommendations
emphasize collaboration and affirmation that build on existing supports
in the small city, while others speak to gaps that result from the sociocultural context of the participants’ lives as residents of small cities and
rural communities. These recommendations, if adopted, can enhance
the well-being of queer youth in the small city, as well as their muchneeded sense of belonging and community.

Notes
1. This chapter arose out of research conducted in collaboration with Natalie
Clark and Jessica Hovanes, through funding from two SSHRC Aid to
Small Universities grants, and two Michael Smith Foundation for Health
Research grants (Women’s Health Research Network and BC Rural and
Remote Research Network). I would like to thank Natalie and Jessica, BSW
student research assistants Erica Bouffioux and Megan Stevenson, and all
the research participants and community partners for their contributions
to this research project.
2. This chapter pertains only to the youth participants.
3. While the project focused on women and girls, both male to female
and female to male transgender youth sought to participate. Three trans
men—none of whom had transitioned—opted into the study, knowing the
researchers were seeking “women and girls.”
209

LGBTQ.indd 209

6/24/15 12:27 PM

References
Bowleg, L. (2008). When black + lesbian + women = black lesbian woman: The
methodological challenges of qualitative and quantitative intersectionality
research. Sex Roles, 59, 312–325.
Brown, L., & Strega, S. (Eds.) (2005). Research as resistance: Critical, Indigenous
and anti-oppressive approaches. Toronto, ON: Canadian Scholars’ Press.
Cohn, T. J., & Hastings, S. L. (2010). Resilience among rural lesbian youth.
Journal of Lesbian Studies, 14(1), 71–79.
Combahee River Collective. (1977). The Combahee River Collective statement. Retrieved from zinelibrary.info/files/Combahee3.pdf
D’Augelli, A. R. (2006). Coming out, visibility, and creating change: Empowering
lesbian, gay, and bisexual people in a rural university community. American
Journal of Community Psychology, 37, 203–210.
Diamond, L. M. (1998). Development of sexual orientation among adolescent
and young adult women. Developmental Psychology, 34(5), 1085–1095.
Diamond, L. M., & Butterworth, M. (2008). Questioning gender and sexual
identity: Dynamic links over time. Sex Roles, 59, 365–376.
Elze, D. E. (2007). Research with sexual minority youths. Journal of Gay &
Lesbian Social Services, 18(2), 73–99.
Gray, M. L. (2009). Out in the country: Youth, media and queer visibility in rural
America. New York, NY: New York University Press.
Grossman, A. H., & D’Augelli, A. R. (2006). Transgender youth: Invisible and
vulnerable. Journal of Homosexuality, 51(1), 111–128.
Haskell, R., & Burtch, B. (2010). Get that freak: Homophobia and transphobia in
high schools. Halifax, NS: Fernwood Publishing.
Hill Collins, P. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and
the politics of empowerment (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge.
Hulko, W. (2009). The time and context contingent nature of intersectionality
and interlocking oppressions. Affilia, 24(1), 44–55.
Hulko, W. (in press). Being queer in the small city. In C. Walmsley & T. Kading
(Eds.), Power and possibility in the small city [provisional title]. Edmonton,
AB: Athabasca University Press.

210

LGBTQ.indd 210

6/24/15 12:27 PM

under review

collaboration and affirmation

Hulko, W., & Hovanes, J. (under review). Intersectionality in the lives of
LGBTQ youth: Identifying and finding community in small cities and rural
communities. Journal of Homosexuality.
Hulko, W., Bepple, K., Turco, J., & Clark, N. (2010). Safe spaces in BC’s interior:
Working with LGBT youth to promote mental health. Visions: BC’s Mental
Health and Addictions Journal, 6(2), 27–29. Retreived from www.heretohelp.
bc.ca/sites/default/files/visions_lesbian_gay_bt.pdf
Kirby, S., Greaves, L., & Reid, C. (2006). Experience, research, social change:
Methods beyond the mainstream (2nd ed). Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press.
Lorde, A. (2007). Age, race, class and sex: Women redefining difference. In
A. Lorde, Sister outsider: Essays and speeches by Audre Lorde (pp. 114–123).
Berkeley, CA: Crossing Press. (Original work published 1984.)
Mehrotra, G. (2010). Toward a continuum of intersectionality theorizing for
feminist social work scholarship. Affilia, 25, 417–430.
Meyers, E. J. (2009). Gender, bullying and harassment: Strategies to end sexism
and homophobia in schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.
Ministry of Education, Province of British Columbia. (2008). Social Justice 12
integrated resource package 2008. Victoria: Ministry of Education, Province
of British Columbia.
Murphy, Y., Hunt, V., Zajicek, A. M., Norris, A. N., & Hamilton, L. (2009).
Incorporating intersectionality in social work practice, research, policy, and
education. Washington, DC: NASW Press.
Poon, C. S., & Saewyc, E. (2009). Out yonder: Sexual-minority adolescents in
rural communities in British Columbia. American Journal of Public Health,
99(1), 118–124.
Rich, A. (1980). Compulsory heterosexuality and lesbian existence. Signs, 5(4),
631–660.
Saewyc, E. M. (2011). Research on adolescent sexual orientation: Development,
health disparities, stigma and resilience. Journal of Research on Adolescence,
21(1), 256–272.
Saewyc, E., Poon, C., Wang, N., Homma, Y., Smith, A., & McCreary Centre
Society (2007). Not yet equal: The health of lesbian, gay, & bisexual youth in
BC. Vancouver, BC: McCreary Centre Society.

211

LGBTQ.indd 211

6/24/15 12:27 PM

Siebecker, M. (2004). To be or not to be … out in the academy. Law & Inequality,
22, 141–168.
Snively, C. A. (2004). Building community-based alliances between GLBTQQA
youth and adults in rural settings. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services,
16(3-4), 99-112.
Sperling, R.L. (2010). Conspicuously absent: Lesbians in professional social
work. Affilia, 25(3), 250–263.
Taylor, C., & Peter, T. with McMinn, T. L., Elliot, T., Beldom, S., Ferry, A.,
Gross, Z., Paquin, S., & Schachter, K. (2011). Every class in every school:
The first national climate survey on homophobia, biophobia, and transphobia in Canadian schools. Final report. Toronto, ON: Egale Canada Human
Rights Trust.
Toomey, R. B., McGuire, J. K., & Russell, S. T. (2012). Heteronormativity, school
climates and perceived safety for gender nonconforming peers. Journal of
Adolescence, 35, 187–196.
Urban Native Youth Association. (2004, March). Two-spirit youth speak out:
Analysis of the needs assessment tool. Vancouver, BC: Urban Native Youth
Association.
Walls, N. E., Kane, S. B., & Wisneski, H. (2010). Gay-straight alliances and
school experiences ofsexual minority youth. Youth & Society, 41(3), 307–332.
Wilchins, R. A. (2004). Queer theory/gender theory: An instant primer. Los
Angeles, CA: Alyson Books.
Wilkinson, L., & Pearson, J. (2009). School culture and the wellbeing of same
sex attracted youth. Gender & Society, 23(4), 542–568.

212

LGBTQ.indd 212

6/24/15 12:27 PM